While national security and foreign policy did not play a role in the November 2018 mid-term Congressional election, the outcome of the election will impact President Trump’s maneuverability in the arenas of foreign policy, national and homeland security.

While the power of the newly-elected, Democratic-controlled House will be substantially neutralized by the Republican-controlled Senate, the House may choose to focus on its power to investigate the President, ignoring a November 6, 2018 recommendation by a former Chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Ed Rendell: “legislate, legislate, legislate; don’t investigate, investigate, investigate….”

The former Democratic Governor of Pennsylvania and Mayor of Philadelphia is aware that constituents expect their Representatives and Senators to focus on district and state local priorities – which require cooperation between the two Congressional Chambers and between the Legislature and the Executive – or else constituents “shall remember in November” (2020), which is around the corner. Rendell’s advice was vindicated by the November 1996 and November 2012 models, which paved the road to Presidents Clinton’s and Obama’s second terms, dealing major blows to Republican legislators, whose top priority (during the two years preceding the elections) was to paralyze the relatively-constrained Democratic Administrations, rather than legislate and respond to the local needs of their own constituents.

Should the Democratic-controlled House ignore these precedents and Governor Rendell’s advice – allowing investigation to supersede legislation – it would tax President Trump’s time dedicated to critical challenges in the areas of international, national and homeland security: Iran’s Shite megalomaniacal Ayatollahs; ISIS and other Sunni terrorist regimes; the proliferation of Islamic terrorism in the Argentina-Paraguay-Brazil tri-border area; ensuring the survival of all pro-US Arab regimes, which are threatened by the Ayatollahs’ subversion and terrorism; pacifying North Korea; reducing tension and enhancing cooperation with China and Russia; restructuring NATO’s financial base; upgrading commercial and security coordination with Mexico; expanding geo-strategic ties with Latin America; bolstering strategic cooperation with India, the emerging super-power, etc.

Still, national security and foreign policy may preoccupy much of Trump’s agenda as a by-product of increasing clear and present lethal threats to US national and homeland security, as well as a result of a potential Congressional gridlock in the domestic legislative arena.

Following in the footsteps of President Reagan (1980) and President Clinton (1992), President Trump is expected to reiterate the message of “Make America Great Again;” aiming to resurrect and bolster the US posture of deterrence, which is a critical prerequisite to minimize global unpredictability, instability and violence, while clipping the wings of rogue regimes.

The bolstering of the US posture of deterrence – in the face of Iran’s Ayatollahs and other rogue regimes – is a precondition to the restoration of faith in the US’ willingness to flex its muscle, in general, and on behalf of the pro-US Arab countries, in particular. The latter expressed their disenchantment with President Obama’s feeble policy toward the Ayatollahs, by venturing closer to Russia and China.

The positive transformation of the US strategic image is reflected by the November 12, 2018 statement made by the United Arab Emirates’ Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Anwar Gargash, who praised Trump’s defiance of the Ayatollahs and their Hezbollah and Houthi proxies in Syria, Lebanon and Yemen, “who have perpetrated terrorism in the Middle East and Europe.”

Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Arab states are encouraged by Trump’s realization that the conventional capabilities – and the supreme ideology – of Iran’s Ayatollahs constitute a machete at the throat of every pro-US Arab regime in the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula. The Trump Administration is aware that the Ayatollahs do not aim at peaceful-coexistence with fellow Muslim countries, let alone with the “infidel” Christian, Hindu or Jewish countries. The Ayatollahs are not driven by economic gains, but by a megalomaniacal vision, which aims at dominating the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Peninsula, the Middle East and beyond.

The Ayatollahs’ and many other rising threats are expected to increase the US defense budget, while Trump insists on fair-burden-sharing by NATO countries, demanding that NATO members will appropriate, at least, 2% of their GDP to defense. The European members of NATO are urged to follow in the footsteps of the US (3.6% of its GDP – almost three times as much as the average NATO member), rather than relying on the US taxpayers money, while (frequently) undermining US foreign and national security initiatives.

Contrary to Europe, Israel dedicates 5.2% of its GDP to defense, while extending the US’ strategic and intelligence hand, functioning as the most productive battle-tested laboratory for hundreds of US military systems, enhancing their competitiveness in the global market, thus contributing to US research and development, export and employment. 

President Trump is not expected to pursue an isolationist policy. Instead, he will persist in a unilateral – rather than multilateral – diplomatic, economic and military policy, where US national security interests supersede counter-productive and hostile interests set by international and multilateral organizations (e.g., the UN, UNRWA, UNESCO, the International Court of Justice). Most of these organizations are involved, directly and indirectly, in initiatives, which have severely undermined global stability and US national security interests.

Tackling reality head-on, President Trump should be aware of the failure of all well-intentioned Arab-Israeli US peace initiatives, which forced the Arabs to outflank the US from the maximalist/radical side, creating additional hurdles on the very long, greasy, uphill road to peace. Moreover, they were based on the false, counter-productive principle of moral-equivalence between hate-educators and aggressors, on the one hand, and the intended victim, on the other hand. Track record documents that the US played a critical role in sealing – not initiating – the only two successful peace initiatives: Israel-Egypt and Israel-Jordan.

Finally, the threats to the US, posed by Shiite and Sunni Islamic terrorism, in addition to the unprecedented strategic cooperation between Israel and the pro-US Arab countries, shed light on the Middle East reality and the reality of the Palestinian issue, which has never been a crown-jewel of Arab policy-making, neither a cause of Middle East turbulence, nor the crux of the Arab-Israeli conflict… unless one assumes that the Arab talk supersedes the Arab walk.   Would a Palestinian state enhance US interests? It would certainly doom Jordan’s Hashemite regime, providing tailwind to the Russian, Chinese and Ayatollahs’ stature in the Middle East.

Will the outcome of the November 2018 Congressional election produce more cooperation, or confrontation, between the Democratic-controlled House and the Republican-controlled Senate? Will it yield more legislation or arm-wrestling with the White House? Will the 2019 divided Capitol Hill divert much of President Trump’s attention away from the pressing critical national and homeland security challenges, or will a Congressional gridlock push Trump further toward his foreign policy and national security agenda?

This column was originally published at The Ettinger Report.

The views expressed in guest columns are not necessarily the views or positions of the CCNS or its members.

© 2024 Citizens Commission on National Security

© 2024 Citizens Commission on National Security